Gun Grab in South Africa Coming?

Last week, the story from South Africa was the seizure of land from white farmers without compensation, and, partly, the killing of those same white farmers. This week, the story from South Africa is that the government could seize 300,000 privately owned but unlicensed guns. The question: Would accomplishing the latter help accomplish the former, and if so, what’s the world prepared to do about it?
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Sauce pls

Johannesburg was founded by Boers when they discovered gold there. It wasn’t just gold, though; it was an entire massive mountain of gold underground they’re still mining out today. Johannesburg is extremely rich in various minerals. The cay was overwhelmingly white with the exception of various mixed-race Afrikaans-speaking servants of the Boers. The Boers formed the majority of miners through the 19th into the early/middle of the 20th century when blacks were coming to the city to work on the mines and pushing whites out.
South Africa’s demographic history works like this: in 1800, there were 30,000 white people in the lands that became South Africa. There were 3,000,000 people total, meaning that whites were 1% of the population–those of mixed race or random natives who lived in the Cape Town colony with the whites were, respectively, 0.5%. 98% of the population of what was to become South Africa was comprised of black Bantu spread thinly over a country with the land area of Italy, France, and Germany combined. Even today, there are 210,000,000 people in those countries and only 54,000,000 in modern South Africa, giving you an idea of how sparsely that country is populated.
Shaka Zulu formed the Zulu Empire and started massacring all rival kingdoms for land. No slaves were taken, just outright genocide to expand the power and land under the control of the Zulu Empire. This caused the death and flight of 1,000,000 Bantu out of South Africa. The emptying of South Africa and the oppression of British rule caused the Bores to migrate out into the empty lands outside the Cape to find a new country in which to settle. This was called the Great Trek. Occasionally the whites fought the blacks, and the Zulu in particular tried to genocide the Boers.
As a result of all this, the black population actually increased from 3,000,000 to around 3,500,000 by 1900, only because of the mass deaths during the 1800s when the Boer increased from 30,000 to 700,000 and 300,000 British colonists joined them (for a total of 1,000,000 whites), dominating large cities like Johannesburg, Cape Town, Pretoria, Pietermaritzburg, Bloemfountain, and others. Indians were brought in by the British to come into the cities and farms to work because the blacks refused to leave their traditional homelands after being conquered. Indians and mixed people together numbered about 500,000, and the total South African population was about 5,000,000. The Indians and mixed people made up 90% of non-whites in urban and suburban South Africa at this point. The Bantu–blacks–lived on their traditional lands, frankly being useless.

Johannesburg was entirely the work of whites, and it wasn’t until the 1920s that blacks realized that you can buy things like alcohol and tobacco using money, and so they began to compete with white men for mining jobs, leading to race riots and whites briefly staging a communist uprising to ensure their job security against blacks. In the 1940s when 200,000 men enlisted in the military (10% of the total white population and 20% of all men) along with several tens of thousands of Indian and mixed race South Africans. A smaller number of urbanized blacks went to India and Europe to fight the Italians, Japanese, and Germans, which resulted blacks from the homelands migrating into white towns in large numbers for work, undoubtedly creating a few more mixed South Africans via the rape of unprotected white women.
Essentially, 60% of the population of South Africa was black and more than 75% was non-white. This hadn’t been a problem before, because the areas outside the homelands largely lacked blacks, and thus South Africa was, for all intents and purposes, a white country. The fact that millions of blacks in the country now appeared posed to flood into the cities and drown the white parts of South Africa in numbers was what caused the rise of apartheid and the harsh laws dictating that blacks could not legally live outside the black homelands unless the government gave them a pass to do so. Later, because foreign countries objected to keeping blacks locked up on black farms, this evolved into the idea of taking the black homelands, adding more land to them, and giving them independence. This was called Grand– or Greater Apartheid.
As a result of this–and the tendency of blacks to ignore laws–they kept flooding into white areas anyway (Why didn’t they build walls around the homelands to keep them in?!) and created Soweto–the Southwest Townships–which became the largest “black city” (it was an illegal slum) right outside of Johannesburg proper. Everything in Johannesburg was the work of whites. The blacks are the same as the Mexicans who think, “Hey, whitey built this cool thing–I’m a moron who can’t do things for myself–so I’ll just go over there and use his thing.” The difference between Mexicans and blacks is that there are about 11,000,000 illegal Mexicans and anchor babies in the US, 7,000,000 legal Mexican immigrants, Mexicans who got amnesty in the 1980s, and the children of legals and amnestied Mexicans, totaling ~18,000,000 people born in Mexico (or with a parent there born) in the USA. There are 40,000,000 or more blacks in South Africa, who outnumber the whites more than 8:1.

IT’S SOUTH AFRICA TIME, BOYKIE!

John Atkinson Hobson, The War In South Africa: Its Causes And Effects, Macmillian, New York, 1900, pp.189-197

It is difficult to state the truth about our doings in South Africa without seeming to appeal to the ignominious passion of Judenhetze (Jew-baiting). Nevertheless a plain account of the personal and economic forces operative in the Transvaal is essential to an understanding of the issue, and must not be shirked. A few of the financial pioneers in South Africa have been Englishmen, like Messrs. Rhodes and Rudd ; but recent developments of Transvaal gold-mining have thrown the economic resources of the country more and more into the hands of a small group of international financiers, chiefly German in origin and Jewish in race. By superior ability, enterprise, and organization these men, out-competing the slower-witted Briton, have attained a practical supremacy which no one who has visited Johannesburg is likely to question.
It should be distinctly understood that the stress which my analysis lays upon the Jew has reference to the class of financial capitalists of which the foreign Jew must be taken as the leading type. Before I went there, the names of Beit, Eckstein, Bamato, &c., were of course not unknown to me; the very ship in which I crossed bore many scores of Jewish women and children. But until I came to examine closely the structure of industry and society upon the Rand I had no conception of their number or their power. I thus discovered that not Hamburg, not Vienna, not Frankfort, but Johannesburg is the New Jerusalem.
Although their strength does not really consist in numbers, the size of the Hebrew population is very considerable. Public statistics are most deceptive in this matter ; many of these persons rank as British subjects by virtue of a brief temporary sojourn in some English-speaking land, and as for names. Smith, Newman, Phillips, Gordon, Bruce are just as good as Marks or Cohen, and are often preferred. So the census of Johannesburg, taken in July 1896, only recognizes 6253 Jews. But while the total population of Johannesburg has probably not increased since that date, it is generally agreed that the Jewish population is very much larger. A well-informed Jew, drawing his conclusion from synagogic and other private sources, told me there must be at least 15,000 Jews in Johannesburg and the district. The evidence of the directory, borne out by the casual testimony of the streets, would lead me to believe this an under, rather than an over, estimate.
The great majority are undoubtedly Russian, Polish, and German Jews (commonly classed under the generic title of "Peruvian "), who ply the business of small shopkeepers, market salesmen, peddlers, liquor dealers, and a few rude handicrafts. These are everywhere to be seen, actively occupied in small dealings, a rude and ignorant people, mostly fled from despotic European rule, and contrasting sharply with their highly intelligent, showy, prosperous brethren, who form the upper crust of Johannesburg society. It is with the latter we are directly concerned if we would understand the economic and political import of the present movements. It is not too much to say that this little ring of international financiers already controls the most valuable economic resources of the Transvaal.

The first and incomparably the most important industry, the gold-mines of the Rand, are almost entirely in their hands. The following brief enumeration of the leading companies, which represent the recent consolidation of many mining interests, will serve to show the extent of their power. First comes Wemher, Beit & Co., more commonly known by the name of the managing director as the "Eckstein Group." This comprises twenty-nine mines and three other financial businesses. The nominal capital is £18,384,567, but the market value at the beginning of August 1899 was over £76,000,000. This Eckstein Group is the leading member of a larger, effective combination, which includes, for most practical purposes, the Consolidated Goldfields, S. Neumann & Co., G. Farrar and A. Bailey. Of these, the largest is the Goldfields (virtually Beit, Rudd, and Rhodes), with nineteen mines, and a nominal capital of £18,120,000. Next in size comes Neumann, with a capital of £8,806,500. In more separate working, but virtually under the same ulti- mate control, are two other important groups of mines, largely repositories of German capital, Goetz & Co. and Albu & Co. The financial connection, according to my information, consists in the fact that Brassey, representing Rothschild, has a controlling interest in Goetz & Co., while Albu & Co. have behind them the Dresdener Bank. Now Rothschild stands for the Exploration Company, which is in effect Wemher, Beit, and Rothschild, while Wemher and Beit are believed to be large owner of the Dresdener Bank. These statements are made to me on evidence which I am naturally unable to check, but I believe them to be correct, and even if only approximately true, they indicate a close consolidation of the greater part of the Rand mining industry. Outside of them, the chief businesses are J. B. Robinson, with nineteen mines, and other estates at a nominal capital of £14,317,500 and the less important Bamato firm. It is also well to bear in mind that Wemher, Beit, Rudd, and Rhodes, Bamato, and Rothschild are associated as chief owners and life governors of De Beers.
The last few years have seen large steps towards a consolidation of the entire industry under the supremacy of Eckstein, the chief instrument of which is the Chamber of Mines. The primary object of the Chamber, started by Eckstein in 1889, was to secure returns of output, wages, &c., from the various companies, and soon most of the leading companies, with the exception of Robinson, joined it. Robinson, followed by the now rising French and German companies, formed in 1895 the Association of Mines, which was in effect a rival combination. Hostilities were maintained until 1898, when Goetz and Albu were forced back into the Chamber, which has since attained a paramountcy that extends not only to the mining industry, but widely controls the industrial and indirectly the political life of Johannesburg, forming the nucleus of a monopoly which may become to the Rand what De Beers has been for some years to Eimberley. This, however, is not the place to discuss the present and probable future of the power possessed by the Chamber, and Messrs. Eckstein, who actually wield it. This brief sketch is only designed to indicate the dominance of international finance over the vast industry whose capital had recently a normal value of some £150,000,000, and which is and will remain the great source of wealth in the Transvaal. It is, I think, correct to say that the destiny of almost all these leading companies is controlled by foreign financiers. There is, moreover, no reason to believe that the capital thus wielded is chiefly owned by English shareholders. Though no means of close calculation exists, there is good reason to suppose that the French and German holdings, taken together, largely outweigh the English interest in Rand mines.

But while the power of this capitalism is based on gold, it is by no means confined to it. Whatever large or profitable interest we approach, we find the same control. The interests are often entirely severed from, and even hostile to, the mining industry, but they are in the hands of the same class. This is the case with the dynamite monopoly. Every name connected with the present and past of this scandalous economic episode is significant: Lippert, Lewis and Marks, Vorstmann, Phillip, Nobel. The rich and powerful liquor trade, licit and illicit, is entirely in the hands of Jews, from the supreme control of the liquor kings, Messrs. Lewis and Marks, down to the nmning of the meanest Elaffir bar. That greatest of gambling instruments, the in Stock Exchange, is, needless to say, mostly Jewish. The large commercial businesses are in the same hands, in particular the important trade in horses, and other highly speculative businesses. The press of Johannesburg is chiefly their property: they control the organs of Outlander agitation on the one hand, the Star and the Leader, while the Government organ, the Standard and Diggers News, is under similar control. Nor has the Jew been backward in developing those forms of loan and mortgage business which have made his fame the world over. A rich and ably organised syndicate exists which operates through branches in all the little towns, lending sums of money or furnishing credit through retail shops, which they control, to the neigh- bouring Boers, and thus obtaining mortgages upon their farms. I am informed that a very large proportion of the Transvaal farmers are as entirely in the hands of Jewish money-lenders as is the Russian moujik or the Austrian peasant. No one who knows the fluctuating and precarious character of Transvaal agriculture will feel surprised that the Boer should succumb to this common temptation set so carefully in his path.
It thus appears that the industrial and agricultural future of the Transvaal is already hypothecated to this small ring of financial foreigners, who not merely own or control the present values, but have, by buying up mining properties and claims of a contingent future value, secured an even more complete supremacy over the economic future. The Transvaal is a country especially adapted to the money-lender and the stock-jobber, a land of hazards and surprises, booms and slumps, where the keen-sighted speculator and the planner of bold complex combinations has unrivaled opportunities.
Dull and depressed as was Johannesburg when I visited it, the savor of gambling was in the air. Though talk of stocks and shares was in abeyance, not so the gambling side of sport. One final testimony to the supreme genius of the European speculator stood plastered upon every wall. Sweepstakes upon races are in Johannesburg not a casual caprice of a sporting few, but an important, well-organized, and enduring trade, supported apparently by a very large proportion of the men, and even the women, of the place. A “sweep” upon a single race meeting often amounts to ;£120,000 or £150,000, a sufficient evidence of the popularity of the demand, which extends to every class of the community. This novel industry owes its local origin to a Jew known by the name of Phillips, who kept a bar in Johannesburg. Phillips runs four big “sweeps” every year and a score of little "sweeps," which are advertised on every wall and by copious handbills. The business basis of the "sweep" is that prizes shall cover 90 per cent, of the money subscribed, the other 10 per cent, going to cover expenses of management and profits. The "industry," I am told, is a most remunerative one. Phillips has now a good handful of competitors: the names of Moss, Legate, Hess, and Herff stare upon you from the back of every newspaper. It is needless to dwell on the demoralizing influence of this great and growing gambling trade. Its success is alike indicative of the place and of the people that control it.

The practical paramountcy exercised by financiers, the recognized leaders of whom are foreign Jews, over the economic interests of the Transvaal, extends also to the social and the recreative side of Johannesburg life. Many of the recognized leaders of society are Jewish. The newspapers of September 13 contained the announcement: "There will be no performance at the Empire (music-hall) to-day by reason of the Jewish Day of Atonement." The Stock Exchange was also closed upon that day. When the British arms have established firm order, this foreign host will return with enhanced numbers and increased power. During the distress of last autumn they bought up, often for a song, most of the property and businesses that were worth buying, and as soon as & settlement takes place, they will start upon a greatly strengthened basis of possession. It may be said, granting this story of a Jewish monopoly of the economic power is true, it does not justify the suggestion that the political power will pass into their hands, and that there will be established an oligarchy of German Jews at Pretoria.
But a little reflection shows that while this class of financiers has commonly abstained in other countries from active participation in politics, they will use politics in the Transvaal. They have found the need for controlling politics and legislation by bribery and other persuasive arts hitherto: the same need and use will exist in the future. Politics to them will not merely mean free trade and good administration of just laws. Transvaal industry, particularly the mining industry, requires the constant and important aid of the State. The control of a large, cheap, regular, submissive supply of labour, the chief comer-stone of profitable business, will be a constant incentive to acquire political control : railway rates, customs’ laws, and the all-important issues relating to mineral rights, will force them into politics, and they will apply to these the same qualities which have made them so successful in speculative industry. In a word, they will simply and inevitably add to their other businesses the business of politics. The particular form of government which may be adopted will not matter very much. Government from Downing Street may perhaps hamper them a little more than the forms of popular representative government; but the judicious control of the press and the assistance of financial friends in high places will enable them to establish and maintain a tolerably complete form of boss-rule in South Africa.
A consideration of these points throws a clear light upon the nature of the conflict in South Africa. We are fighting in order to place a small international oligarchy of mine-owners and speculators in power at Pretoria. Englishmen will surely do well to recognize that the economic and political destinies of South Africa are, and seem likely to remain, in the hands of men most of whom are foreigners by origin, whose trade is finance, and whose trade interests are not chiefly British. If all I say be true, it gives no ground for any final judgment on the merits of the war. This international oligarchy may be better for the country and for the world than the present or any other rule; and England may be performing a meritorious world-service, in establishing it. But it is right for us to understand quite clearly what we are doing.

Excerpt ends.
John Atkinson Hobson, The War In South Africa: Its Causes And Effects, Macmillian, New York, 1900, pp.189-197

And one more for you.

The Afrikaner, or Boer, people of South Africa were internationally demonized like no other people in history. The Afrikaners began to settle in South Africa in the 18th century, fleeing religious persecution in Europe. They established two prosperous states which created job opportunities for blacks, who began pouring in from adjacent areas. The United Kingdom unleashed two devastating wars on them–the Anglo-Boer wars. The British used scorched-earth methods and invented the concentration camp, in which 15% of Afrikaners from both republics died. When Afrikaners finally obtained independence, they understood that only a strong Afrikaner state could prevent further massacres. The Republic thus created was not perfect, granted; the blacks, coloreds, and Indians were discriminated against. But the world obsessively focused on the Afrikaners’ errors, leaving no stone unturned in their drive to demonize them.
South Africa was uniquely singled out for criticism. Not a word was said about the enslavement of the Pygmies in the Central African republics, yet the public yelled apartheid every time an Afrikaner showed up at an international event. The Chinese occupation of Tibet concerned no one, but the South African treatment of nonwhites–who enjoyed freedoms of which Tibetans could never dream, either then or now–was severely chastised. Under the Afrikaners, the blacks enjoyed a standard of life far above that of any other African state. By every measure–infant mortality, literacy, life expectancy, you name it–South African blacks were better off than their neighbors–so much so that the latter began to leave their civil-war-torn countries for peaceful South Africa.
South Africa under apartheid was by far the wealthiest and most advanced country in Africa, producing nearly 75% of the continent’s gross national product. It was almost completely self-sufficient, so boycotts had little effect upon its economy. In fact, most of Africa was dependent upon South Africa. South Africa was governed by a Western parliamentary republic and strictly segregated racially. South Africa granted complete self-government to blacks in their own homelands (or bantustans) and recognized four of them as independent nations. Though South Africa was perpetually criticized by the world press for its racial separatism, its blacks lived better than the blacks of any other African country and were multiplying rapidly and healthily. 87% of black welfare costs were being paid by whites. This included food, clothing, training, housing, education, health care, even old age pensions.
Thousands of South African blacks graduated from college every year, more than three times as many as in the rest of Africa combined. Every black child was within walking distance of a primary school. Africa’s largest hospital, which served blacks almost exclusively and performed over 1800 operations per month, was in South Africa. The blacks of South Africa owned more cars than did all the citizens of the Soviet Union. South Africa had more black doctors, lawyers, professional people, and millionaires than the rest of the world combined. In fact, conditions were “so bad” for blacks in South Africa that the country had a tremendous problem with illegal black immigration, having over one million illegal foreign workers.

Not content with taking advantage of Afrikaner-created wealth, the blacks began a terrorist campaign by the African National Congress that killed thousands. Where was their Gandhi? They bombed public places, mined roads killing innocent civilians and sabotaged productive infrastructure. Although the government reacted to this, most deaths were caused by black-on-black violence. A particularly barbaric murder method was approved of by the wife of Nelson Mandela, necklacing–a summary execution carried out by forcing a rubber tire filled with gasoline around a victim’s chest and arms, setting it on fire. This was used against opponents in internecine ANC warfare.
The Afrikaners only wanted peace, which was offered multiple times to the blacks. After being met with ever more terrorism, Afrikaners disengaged from 20 areas that were designated as black homelands. Each of these territories was offered full independence, and four of them took it: Transkei, Venda, Bophuthatswana, and Ciskei. But instead of focusing on building their nations, the blacks continued to resort to terror.
Meanwhile, the international community shunned South Africa–but not Saudi Arabia, a theocracy where converts from Islam face capital punishment; or East Germany, where people who tried to leave the country were shot dead; or Kampuchea, where Pol Pot perpetrated a genocide of more than 1 million people. Only South Africa, where less than 2,000 blacks were killed by a government faced with guerrilla warfare, was subjected to UN sanctions–but not Angola, where civil war killed hundreds of thousands.
International hypocrisy peaked in the ‘70s and ‘80s. When the South African rugby team (the Springboks) toured Australia in 1971, the leader of the Labour Party, Gough Whitlam, opposed the tour and declared: “Australians should never let an afternoon’s entertainment blind them to a lifetime’s repression for another nation.” This said by a politician from a country that dispossessed and mostly exterminated its Aboriginal population. Huge and widespread protest also occurred in New Zealand in 1981 against a Springbok tour–that, in a country that committed cultural genocide against the Maoris, whose language is in a terminal state.
An automatic anti-Afrikaner UN majority recommended several times economic sanctions against South Africa, and third world countries were quick and happy to implement them. Even the US disgraced itself by applying economic sanctions it never imposed on far worse human-rights offenders like Mozambique or the Congo. Of course, none of those countries stopped using South African diamonds or gold, which are key to high-tech industries, or performing heart transplants, an Afrikaner-invented medical procedure.
Whites have lived in South Africa much longer than blacks. There have been white settlements in South Africa for over 300 years, about the same length of time Europeans have lived in North America. Even 150 years after the first colonies around Cape Town, at the beginning of the 19th century, there still were no blacks within 500 miles. The blacks wandered in from central Africa later on, possibly fleeing the slave trade or due to famine. In fact, nearly all of South Africa’s blacks were born in other countries.